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    名人演說

    美國副國務卿關于美中關系設想的演講

    明日東方科技有限公司   發布時間:2010-03-04

     

    來源:愛思英語論壇
     
    編者按:2009年9月24日,美國副國務卿詹姆斯•斯坦伯格(James B. Steinberg)以“本屆美國政府關于美中關系的設想”為題在新美國安全中心(Center for a New American Security)發表主題演講。以下是演講的全文:
     
    Well, thank you, Nate, for that kind introduction.
     
    納特,感謝你的熱情介紹。
     
    It’s a great pleasure to be back and to be here at this CNAS event. It’s great to see, although I had no doubt about it, that CNAS is still thriving despite the Obama Administration’s best efforts to deprive you of each and every one of your leading lights. And every meeting I go to seems to be populated by so many of the good people – not only Kurt and Michele, obviously, but Jim Miller and so many others who made CNAS so successful, and the really remarkable achievement in such a short period of time that CNAS has become an indispensable feature on the Washington landscape, no mean feat with the number of competitors that you all have out here, including some that I used to work for. And I think that this study that you’re launching today really is a reflection of the continued critical role that CNAS plays in creative and timely work that you do.
     
    我很高興能再次來到這里參加新美國安全中心的這次活動。盡管奧巴馬政府不遺余力地挖走了你們的每一位精英人物,但貴中心仍能蓬勃發展,我對此深為贊佩,而且從未產生過懷疑。在我參加的每一次會議上,似乎都能見到貴中心如此眾多的博學多才之士——不僅有庫爾特和米歇爾,當然還有吉姆•米勒和其他很多幫助貴中心取得如此巨大成功的人士。貴中心在短時間內成為華盛頓地區一個不可或缺的景觀,的確是一個可觀的成就,尤其是你們的競爭對手如林,我還為其中一些機構工作過,能夠脫穎而出實為不易。我認為,今天你們發布的這項研究報告確實體現了貴中心的工作富于創新,善于抓住時機,始終發揮著重要作用。
     
    Obviously, as everyone in this audience knows, and we will be seeing a lot of it in the coming week or so, this year marks the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, which, of course, is part of the reason you scheduled this event now. As we think back on those 60 years, for about half of them – for about 30 – the relationship between the United States was not exactly the best, ranging from hostile at its worst, to nonexistent through much of the time.
     
    當然,在座的各位都知道,我們下個星期還會看到很多有關活動,因為今年是中華人民共和國成立60周年,這當然也是你們將本次活動安排在此時進行的原因之一?;仡欉@60年,其中一半時間——大約有30年——與美國的關系并不好,關系最緊張的時期相互敵對,有很長一段時期互不往來。
     
    And so in some ways, from a policymaker’s perspective and from a U.S. perspective, the more significant and momentous anniversary is not so much the 60 years since the founding of the PRC, but the 30 years since the United States and China normalized relations under President Carter and Deng Xiaoping in 1979. And I think it’s not entirely coincidental that if you look for a date, that you could roughly time the rise of China and its remarkable transformation – it’s about that time as well that the rise began – part of which having to do with the bilateral relationship and obviously largely to do with decisions China made about its own internal developments.
     
    因此,從某些方面講,從決策者的角度和美國的角度來看,意義更重大、影響更為深遠的不是中華人民共和國成立60周年,而是美國和中國于1979年在卡特總統和鄧小平主政時期實現關系正?;?0周年。我認為,從時間上講,這個時期大約也是中國崛起并經歷巨大轉型的時期,這并不完全是巧合——中國的崛起大約從這個時候開始——兩國建立雙邊關系是原因之一,但在很大程度上顯然是中國根據本國國內形勢做出的決策。
     
    I think it’s fair to say that despite – I know, the great ambitions and hopes of Kurt and Michele, I don’t think even they, perhaps, would have guessed how far CNAS has come. And in the same way, I think those who were present in 1979 probably could not imagine how far China has come in those 30 years. It’s really truly a remarkable story. And for those of us who have been visiting China over the years, it’s just amazing, each time you visit, how much change you see happening right before our eyes.
     
    我認為,可以恰當地說,盡管——我知道庫爾特和米歇爾才識過人,很有遠見,但我認為即使他們可能也沒有預見到新美國安全中心能有如此良好的發展。同樣,我想人們在1979年可能也沒有想到中國30年來能取得如此長足的進步。這段歷程的確不同凡響。對于我們這些多年來經常訪問中國的人來說,每次去都會看到巨大的變化就出現在眼前,令人贊嘆不已。
     
    It is a remarkable period to reflect back on and the decisions that were made during that period and the transformation of the U.S.-China relationship, and the great insight that began with President Nixon and followed through by President Carter was the fundamental recognition that the long-term interests of the United States were better served not by trying to thwart China’s ambitions, but rather to explore the possibility of whether China could become a partner with the United States. And while the motivations for those decisions in the 1970s were largely rooted in the dynamics of the Cold War, when we were focused on getting Chinese help encountering the Soviet Union, it is even more important in today’s reality that we recall that basic insight.
     
    回首這段不平凡的時期,重溫當時的種種決策和美中關系轉變的歷程及以尼克松總統為開端,后由卡特總統實現的遠見卓識,人們從根本上認識到,更有利于美國長期利益的不是試圖挫敗中國的抱負,而是探求中國能否與美國結為伙伴的可能性。盡管20世紀70年代的有關決策主要出于對冷戰形勢的考慮,因為當時我們的重點是爭取中國的幫助制衡蘇聯,但面對今天的現實,重提上述基本認識甚至尤為重要。
     
    Secretary Clinton described that reality recently in her Council on Foreign Relations speech as a reality characterized by two inescapable facts, and I’m quoting her: “First, no nation can meet the world’s challenges alone,” and “Second, most nations worry about the same global threats.”
     
    國務卿克林頓最近在對外關系委員會發表講話時談到,有兩種不可回避的事實決定了今日之現實。她是這樣說的,“首先,沒有一個國家能單獨應對世界上各種挑戰”,“其次,大多數國家對共同的全球威脅感到擔憂”。
     
    In this world, and under those circumstances, the logic of international cooperation is overwhelming. Countries have a great deal to gain if we can work together, and much to lose if we don’t. But applying this insight to our relations with China poses a fundamental conundrum. Given China’s growing capabilities and influence, we have an especially compelling need to work with China to meet global challenges. Yet China’s very size and importance also raises the risk of competition and rivalry that can thwart that cooperation.
     
    在當今世界上,鑒于目前的這種形勢,進行國際合作的理由極其充分。如果我們能夠合作,各國可受益匪淺,否則便將蒙受重大損失。但以這種認識處理我們同中國的關系,不免從根本上面臨兩難的局面??紤]到中國的實力和影響日益增強,我們尤為迫切地需要同中國共同應對全球性挑戰。然而,中國自身的規模和重要地位也帶來了相互競爭與對抗的風險,結果有可能阻撓相互合作。
     
    Now, you all know I’m a part-time academic and so I can’t resist this part of the speech, but historians since Thucydides have pointed to a long string of conflicts generated by the emergence of rising powers that disturb the old order and challenge the existing power structure and predict the same gloomy future for China’s rise. Political scientists and IR theorists talk darkly of security dilemmas that lead nations to take actions to protect their own security against potential adversaries, and that, by taking those actions, fuel the very conflicts they were hoping to avert.
     
    各位都知道,我是半個學者,因此我忍不住要發表評論,因為自修昔底德以來的歷史學家都指出大國的崛起會引發一系列沖突,結果打亂了舊秩序并對現有權力結構提出挑戰,因此中國的崛起也可能導致同樣暗淡的前景。政治學家和國際關系學者往往悲觀地談到,安全面臨的困境可導致各國采取行動保護自己的安全免受潛在敵人的威脅,但這類行動反過來又會為他們原來希望避免的沖突推波助瀾。
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